11 Jun 2007
Mart Laar
The west seems to lack up-to-date knowledge about Moldova. Can Europe's poorest country ever achieve real independence from Russia?
Communism's fall gave the nations of the former Soviet bloc a chance to turn towards democracy, a market economy, and the rule of law. Some countries cut ties decisively with the communist past; others were less successful, a few failed catastrophically.
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The west seems to lack up-to-date knowledge about Moldova. Can Europe's poorest country ever achieve real independence from Russia?
Communism's fall gave the nations of the former Soviet bloc a chance to turn towards democracy, a market economy, and the rule of law. Some countries cut ties decisively with the communist past; others were less successful, a few failed catastrophically.
Read full article
Dr. Dov Lynch, EU Institute for Security Studies, Paris: The creation of a common space of external security between the EU and Russia faces troubled waters, affected by four factors: 1) Enduring differences between EU member states, which pull the EU in different directions when addressing Russia; 2) Events on the ground especially in the former Soviet Union, that pull the EU into unexpected directions and will force it to face difficult choices; 3) Worrying trends inside Russia that do not make deepening the strategic partnership easier; 4) Both the EU and Russia are entering a period of internal focus – the EU on its future shape and Russia with the next elections. This internal focus in new circumstances may have unpredictable consequences....Prospects are not good. But the first steps have been taken with the Moscow roadmap and all the work lies ahead. Read full article
04 Jan 2005
Dov Lynch, EU Institute for Security Studies: Events in Ukraine tell three stories that, woven together, reflect the changes occurring in Europe and pose a new ‘Eastern question’. The first story relates the birth of a revitalised Ukraine. The two candidates in the elections, Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych, in themselves do not signal this birth – but 17 days of peaceful demonstrations in Kyiv and other cities do, as does the decision of the Ukrainian Supreme Court to call for a new second round on 26 December. No matter the outcome of the second round – and one can expect further twists and turns before (this piece was written before 26 December) a new president is inaugurated – the ‘Orange Revolution’ signals a deep change, one of quality rather than quantity. As a result of a triumphant exercise in people’s democracy, the paradigm of politics in Ukraine is different. At the most basic level, Ukraine has finally realised its independence. The dignity and pride manifested since November could not contrast more with the tarnished politics of the Kuchma era. One should not be lured into thinking that the scale of political and economic problems facing Ukraine has lessened, or that the country is any less divided in orientation. Still, a great European country is back. Read full article
29 Sep 2004
We are also worried about the deteriorating conduct of Russia in its foreign relations. President Putin’s foreign policy is increasingly marked by a threatening attitude towards Russia’s neighbors and Europe’s energy security, the return of rhetoric of militarism and empire, and by a refusal to comply with Russia’s international treaty obligations. In all aspects of Russian political life, the instruments of state power appear to be being rebuilt and the dominance of the security services to grow. We believe that this conduct cannot be accepted as the foundation of a true partnership between Russia and the democracies of NATO and the European Union.
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29 May 2004
Dr. Dmitry Polikanov: Recent developments in the Russian domestic politics and in its relations with the EU indicate that the prospects for specific cooperation in the area of conflict management are quite modest. There are several factors contributing to this matter. First of all, Russia would like to assert itself as regional power. For that purpose, the Kremlin needs the CIS, as the major area where Russia’s historical, cultural and political legacy may be fully exploited. Meanwhile, the enlargement of European and transatlantic institutions puts such Russian plans under a certain risk. Somehow, the EU and NATO are gradually squeezing Russia out of this area in their desire to increase their own influence and to preserve the European drift of the neighboring nations. In addition, it is clear that, unlike it is written in the EU Security Strategy, there is little field for Russia’s movement to the European values. Recent polls indicate that Russians are quite pragmatic in their approach towards the EU and their interests are more economic-oriented than value-oriented. Read full article
17 May 2004
Iulian Chifu, Center for Conflicts Prevention and Early Warning: What are the Russian interests in Moldova? The usual answers are: defense of Russians all over, the strategic control of NATO extension through Transnistria, reformation of the Russian Empire based on the reshaping of the CIS, the super-confederation with the capital in Moscow, control upon the former Soviet space and upon the “close neighborhood” etc. Without denying the viability and reasons behind each of these ideas, we must approach this issue from another angle: the one regarding the limitation of Ukraine’s strategic options. Read full article
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